“Gaza will be a Jewish city”: What are the Israelis planning for the Gaza Strip after the war?

Settler colonialism has always been the cornerstone of the Zionist project aimed at establishing a national homeland for Jews in Palestine. This project is based on displacement, meaning the forced expulsion of the indigenous population and the bringing in of Jews from all over the world to settle in historic Palestine.

The term “colonization” or “settler colonialism” at the present time—following settlement in the land of historic Palestine and the establishment of the “State of Israel” in 1984—generally refers to the ongoing colonization of the West Bank. However, Israel then went on to establish its first settlement in the Gaza Strip in 1973, which grew to 25 settlements housing 8,500 settlers until 2005.

Settler colonialism has always been the cornerstone of the Zionist project aimed at establishing a national homeland for Jews in Palestine. This project is based on displacement, meaning the forced expulsion of the indigenous population and the bringing in of Jews from all over the world to settle in historic Palestine.

In 2004, then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon proposed what is known as the “disengagement plan,” which involved evacuating the settlements in Gaza and a complete withdrawal from the area. This was completed on September 12, 2005, and the Israeli government declared the end of military rule in the Gaza Strip.

After October 7, 2023, calls for Israeli resettlement in Gaza began to take an organized shape, actively encouraged by large groups of settlers. On November 16, 2023, 11 right-wing organizations came together to form a coalition demanding the return of settlement in the Gaza Strip.

They called on the public to join them in forming groups to resettle in the Gush Katif settlements, the area from which Israel withdrew in 2005.

In May 2023, Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant revoked the Disengagement Law for settlements in the northern West Bank—effectively greenlighting settlers to enter the forcibly evacuated and demolished West Bank outposts Israel had pulled out of. Right-wing Minister Orit Strook hailed this as a step towards regaining control over Gaza and resettling it, describing this as “correcting the historical mistake of the disengagement plan.”

The occupation and settlement of Gaza are fueled by statements and declared intentions from ministers in Netanyahu’s government accompanied by practical steps on the ground. Satellite images have revealed infrastructure being prepared for new settlement outposts in the Netzarim area, a corridor created by the army that separates northern Gaza from the south. Soldiers have even raised banners since the beginning of the war with slogans like "Occupy, Expel, Settle," reinforcing this sentiment.

Strook's statements are part of a broader atmosphere that promotes the occupation and settlement of Gaza, which is fueled by statements and declared intentions from ministers and officials in Netanyahu’s government accompanied by practical steps being taken on the ground. Satellite images have revealed infrastructure being prepared for new settlement outposts in the Netzarim area, a corridor created by the army that separates northern Gaza from the south. Soldiers have even raised banners since the beginning of the war with slogans like "Occupy, Expel, Settle," reinforcing this sentiment.

An Israeli map shows Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip before 2005.

An Israeli map shows Israeli settlements in the Gaza Strip before 2005.

The vision of Israeli political parties on settlement

“Most members of the current Israeli ruling coalition support the return of settlements to the Gaza Strip. They have openly expressed this support during the settlement restoration conference held in Jerusalem. The ideology of settlement is deeply rooted within the right-wing camp in Israel, where settlers form an essential part of its core and the broader settlement ideology," explains Israeli affairs researcher Aram Kewan to Raseef22.

“The ideology of settlement is deeply rooted within the right-wing camp in Israel, where settlers form an essential part of its core and the broader settlement ideology.”

He points out that these roots go back to before 1967, with a Zionist faction called Herut (‘Freedom’) that later evolved into the Likud Party. This faction, even before the Nakba, was convinced that both Palestine and Jordan needed to be occupied. Religious Zionism, which believes in a “Greater Israel,” forms the foundation of the ruling right-wing camp in alliance with the Likud Party.

Aram adds, “For the left-wing ‘liberal’ camp, settlement is a matter of security and political considerations. In fact, the first settlement plan in 1967 was the 'Gal Allon' plan, proposed by former Israeli Labor Party Minister Yigal Allon. Thus, Zionist ideology, whether on the right or the left, does not inherently deny or reject settlement.”

The political currents within Israeli society vary in their reasons and justifications for settlement, but they all agree on its necessity. Some factions believe that the importance of settlements lies in reaching and ensuring a Jewish majority by bringing in settlers from abroad.

Another faction, represented by the liberal right, believes that Israeli settlement has “international legitimacy over the entirety of the land of Israel,” a view that holds strong sway within the ruling Likud party.

"The first law that should have been amended after October 7 is the 2005 disengagement law, to make it clear to the world that Gaza is an integral part of our homeland. There will not be any area devoid of Jews in our land."

Other groups view settlements as a security necessity to achieve stability and safety, an argument that resonates with many secular and religious factions in Israel. A further segment considers settlement a religious duty and divine right, a perspective championed by religious-nationalist movements like "Religious Zionism" and "Jewish Power."

Netanyahu's personal position

Recently, Netanyahu has been trying to shift focus away from issues the Israeli public is increasingly demanding, such as ending the war to secure a deal for the return of Israeli hostages. Instead, he has prioritized the issues of solidifying control over Gaza, particularly maintaining an Israeli presence in the Philadelphi Corridor.

In a speech to the UN General Assembly earlier in the month, Netanyahu emphasized the importance of maintaining control over the corridor to prevent weapons from entering Gaza from Egypt. However, security officials have stated that most of Hamas' weapons are locally manufactured.

The roots of Israeli settler colonialism go back to before 1967, with a Zionist faction called Herut (‘Freedom’), which later evolved into the Likud Party. This faction, even before the Nakba, was convinced that both Palestine and Jordan needed to be occupied. Religious Zionism, which believes in a “Greater Israel,” forms the foundation of the ruling right-wing camp in alliance with the Likud Party.

Earlier, the Israeli cabinet voted, by a majority, to continue Israel's control over the Philadelphi Corridor (also known as the Salah al-Din Axis), despite opposition from military and security officials such as Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who voted against the decision.

"Netanyahu’s personal and ideological stance on settlements is one of absolute and broad support, aligning with the extremist duo in his government, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. These two men form Netanyahu’s final line of defense in pushing to restore the Israeli settlement of Gaza, based on religious and ideological motives," says Akram Atallah, a writer and political analyst from Gaza, in an interview with Raseef22.

Attallah explains, "Netanyahu opposed the disengagement plan in 2005 and resigned from Sharon's government at the time. But Netanyahu wasn’t the only one who opposed dismantling the Gaza settlements—the Likud party as a whole opposed the plan."

The political currents within Israeli society vary in their reasons and justifications for settlement, but they all agree on its necessity. Some factions believe that the importance of settlements lies in reaching and ensuring a Jewish majority by bringing in settlers from abroad. Another faction, represented by the liberal right, believes that Israeli settlement has “international legitimacy over the entirety of the land of Israel,” a view that holds strong sway within the ruling Likud party.

According to Attallah, this highlights Likud's historical stance as a central and influential party in Israeli politics. Now, in alliance with the Jewish Power and Religious Zionism parties, it forms a parliamentary and ministerial bloc of considerable weight and influence. Together, they pursue fundamental political objectives, foremost among them the resettlement of Gaza.

“But is this option feasible under the current developments and circumstances?” asks Atallah. “There is a wide debate in Israel regarding the reoccupation of the Gaza Strip: permanent control or temporary control, full military presence or partial presence at specific points, geographical control or remote military control?" he explains.

He continues, “So far, the issue of Israeli settlement in Gaza has not been decided. However, Netanyahu’s silence on the future of the Gaza Strip and his lack of a clear plan for the day after the war, alongside his appointment of Elad Goren as the humanitarian aid coordinator in Gaza, signals an intention for a permanent military presence.”

"Netanyahu’s personal and ideological stance on settlements is one of absolute and broad support, aligning with the extremist duo in his government, Ben-Gvir and Smotrich. These two men form Netanyahu’s final line of defense in pushing to restore the Israeli settlement of Gaza, based on religious and ideological motives.”

"Netanyahu is also banking on the return of Trump and the 'golden era' they shared, which indicates that Netanyahu and key members of his government may have hidden intentions for a permanent occupation of Gaza and the resettlement of the area," Atallah elaborates.

Are there actual steps towards settlement?

After October 7, 2023, a lobby was formed in the Israeli Knesset by members of the Religious Zionism and Likud parties—initiated by Likud members Amit Halevi and Ariel Kallner, along with Zvi Sukkot, a member of the Religious Zionist Party, and the head of the Northern West Bank Settlements Council—to approve the law for the repeal of the disengagement law and the resettlement of Gaza. They are currently drafting the bill, which will be presented during the upcoming winter session of the Knesset. This initiative was echoed in the statements of its proponents, including Zvi Sukkot, who said: "Victory means settlement after the destruction of Hamas. We must teach future generations that those who slaughter us will lose the land as well."

"Netanyahu opposed the disengagement plan in 2005 and resigned from Sharon's government at the time. But Netanyahu wasn’t the only one who opposed dismantling the Gaza settlements—the Likud party as a whole opposed the plan."

Halevi also remarked: "The first law that should have been amended after October 7 is the disengagement law, to make it clear to the world that Gaza is an integral part of our homeland. There will not be any area devoid of Jews in our land."

In Israel, nationalist right-wing groups organized a conference in Jerusalem known as the "Israel Victory Conference." It was part of a series of steps taken by settlers and settlement organizations to promote the settlement of Gaza, supported by ministers in the government, members of the Israeli Knesset, and figures from the United States. The initiative was spearheaded by a settlement group known as the Nachala movement, which aims to expand settlements in the so-called 'Greater Land of Israel.'

The conference worked to convince a number of Jewish families to be prepared for settlement in the Gaza Strip, most of whom were from the settlements that Israel withdrew from in 2005. These families were provided with the necessary supplies and equipment, such as bags and tools, to enable them to relocate quickly to live in settlement outposts at the opportune moment.

In Israel, nationalist right-wing groups organized a conference in Jerusalem known as the "Israel Victory Conference." It was part of a series of steps taken by settlers and settlement organizations to promote the settlement of Gaza, supported by ministers in the government, members of the Israeli Knesset, and figures from the United States. The initiative was spearheaded by a settlement group known as the Nachala movement, which aims to expand settlements in the so-called 'Greater Land of Israel.'

In this context, The Times of Israel reported statements from some of the organizers of the conference. Daniella Weiss, the leader of the Nachala settlement movement, stated: "The city of Gaza will be Jewish. We have formed groups for this, raised funds and donations, and will follow the same strategy we used in northern Samaria (i.e., the West Bank)."

She added, "First, we will establish our presence in military camps, then proceed step by step. Every settlement will be named after a soldier killed in military operations in the Gaza Strip. In the city of Khan Yunis, we will build a major settlement and call it Hanot Yona."

Tally Gotliv, a Knesset member from the Likud Party, remarked, "The settlements alone in northern Gaza will provide security and stability for Israel. But unfortunately, Likud members still fear discussing settlements and controlling northern Gaza."

"The city of Gaza will be Jewish. We have formed groups for this, raised funds, and will follow the same strategy we used in northern Samaria (i.e., the West Bank). First, we will establish our presence in military camps, then proceed step by step. Every settlement will be named after a soldier killed in military operations in the Gaza Strip. In the city of Khan Yunis, we will build a major settlement and call it Hanot Yona."

Haaretz reported that the Israeli military is working on constructing and developing two settlement outposts in the Netzarim Corridor. Satellite images have revealed the presence of residential units in the area, along with checkpoints, infrastructure for the outposts, solar panels, mobile homes, and intense work and construction activity.

The newly-paved Philadelphi Route

The newly-paved Philadelphi Route

How do Gazans react to the idea of settlement?

The talk of the return of Israeli settlements to Gaza casts a dark shadow over the future of the humanitarian and social conditions of Gazan citizens, especially those who were expelled from their homes in the north, uncertain of whether they will ever return.

Hosni Shaheen, 68, cannot accept the idea of Israeli settlement once again on his land, located south of the Zeitoun neighborhood in Gaza City, near the Netzarim Corridor that has been under Israeli military control for about 11 months.

"The idea of Israeli settlement again in Gaza is soul-crushing and despairing. I would rather die than live through another phase of land theft and seizure for the benefit of extremist settlers whose goal is to kill Palestinians and completely wipe them out."

“The Zionist gangs stole my father's and grandfather's land in the forcibly displaced village of Ni'ilya and expelled them from it in 1948. They were forced into the Jabalia refugee camp, where they endured the horrors of displacement and poverty, while others enjoyed their land," Shaheen tells Raseef22.

He explained that he bought land in the Zeitoun neighborhood about 20 years ago and intended to build a large house there to pass on to his six children after his death. However, the land has now become part of the buffer zone that the Israeli army is attempting to secure for its continued presence. "The idea of Israeli settlement again in Gaza is soul-crushing and despairing," says Shaheen.

He added, "I would rather die than live through another phase of land theft and seizure for the benefit of extremist settlers whose goal is to kill Palestinians and completely wipe them out."

"I don't know what happened to my house, which I was forced to leave at the start of the war, located in what is now called the Netzarim Corridor. We hear that bulldozing operations are underway in the area, preparing for new settlements. It's a terrible feeling to realize that your enemy may live in your home while you continue to endure a constant state of forced displacement and exile."

"Gazans are prevented from returning while knowing that newcomers from beyond the borders will come to settle on their land, which once was full of life and its people," says Suhail (pseudonym) from Gaza City.

The 28-year-old continues, "I don't know what happened to my house, which I left at the start of the war, located in what is now called the Netzarim Corridor. We hear that bulldozing operations are underway in the area, preparing for new settlements. It's a terrible feeling to realize that your enemy may live in your home while you continue to endure a constant state of forced displacement and exile."

US opposition to a 'long-term presence'

The US stance on settlement in the Gaza Strip remains consistent with its long-standing policy, which says it opposes settlement in the occupied Palestinian territories. Successive US administrations have maintained the statement that settlements are “an obstacle to peace”.

Despite the US administration’s official opposition to Israeli settlement, the Nachala movement to build settlements in Gaza already receives support from groups in the United States, including the organization Americans for a Safe Israel (AFSI).

Following the Jerusalem conference advocating the return of settlement to Gaza, the US issued a direct response rejecting the conference's outcomes, with US officials labeling the statements made by ministers and Knesset members who participated as "reckless and irresponsible."

At the time, a spokesperson for the US National Security Council stated, "We have made it clear that there cannot be any reduction of Gaza’s lands."

Meanwhile, the Nachala settlement movement is working to rally support for the return of Israeli settlements to Gaza, particularly from the United States, by fundraising among the Jewish community there.

The movement organized a conference and registered around 500 families to settle in Gaza. A member of the movement stated that they "will send a representative to Florida to raise funds for this cause."

"Gazans are prevented from returning to their homes while knowing that newcomers from beyond the borders will come to settle on their land, which once was full of life and its people."

Despite the US administration’s official opposition to the settlement, the Nachala movement already receives support from groups in the United States, including the organization Americans for a Safe Israel (AFSI).

Even though the US also opposed the decision to take control of the Philadelphi Route, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller emphasized that Washington would nevertheless continue to support Israel and its right to defend itself. While the American proposal stresses the necessity of Israel’s withdrawal from populated areas and the Philadelphi Route and opposes the long-term presence of Israeli forces in the Gaza Strip, its continued and unwavering support for “Israel’s right” will ensure that it protects this right as it sees fit.