Why can't the United States abandon its support for Israel?

In its first statement condemning the violation of its sovereignty last month, Tehran pointed fingers at Washington, hinting at the latter’s prior knowledge of the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, the head of Hamas' political bureau. In a statement by the Iranian Foreign Ministry, it emphasized Washington’s "responsibility as Israel’s partner."

Despite the White House denying any prior knowledge of the assassination and implicitly criticizing the Israeli action—President Biden stated that it "won’t benefit Israel in negotiations"—the deep-rooted partnership between the two nations inevitably casts the US as a complicit partner. Is it, then, an exaggeration to say that the United States continuously works to protect Israel?

Where do the billions go?

In terms of numbers, the Israeli government has received the most foreign aid from the United States throughout its history, spanning all aspects—political, economic, and military. Since its founding, Israel has received over $310 billion in US aid in the form of economic and military assistance, according to Visual Capital.

According to the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), an independent, non-partisan research institution established in 1921, US aid in recent years has focused heavily on military support. The United States “provided Israel considerable economic assistance from 1971 to 2007, but nearly all US aid today goes to support Israel’s military, the most advanced in the region.

In 2016, the United States and Israel signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to provide $3.8 billion annually in military aid to Israel, which will continue until 2028. This aid includes funding for missile defense programs such as the Iron Dome, David's Sling, and Arrow II, with the United States participating in the “research, development, and production of these systems.”

Following the war on Gaza in November 2023, the US Congress “has enacted legislation providing at least $12.5 billion in military aid to Israel.”

In terms of numbers, the Israeli government has received the most foreign aid from the United States throughout its history, spanning all aspects—political, economic, and military. Since its founding, Israel has received over $310 billion in US aid in the form of economic and military assistance, according to Visual Capital.

This aid package included $3.8 billion from the usual budget in line with the current MOU, along with an additional $8.7 billion from legislation passed in April 2024. Israel uses this aid to purchase American military equipment and services, which accounts for about 15% of Israel's defense budget.

What is Israel’s QME and why is it obligatory for the United States?

According to the aforementioned sources, ‘qualitative military edge’ (QME) refers to the United States' commitment to maintaining Israel’s military superiority and ability “to defeat any credible conventional military threat from any individual state, possible coalition of states, or non-state actors in the region.”

QME requires the US government to "ensure that Israel has the ability to defend itself effectively against any potential attacks while minimizing losses and damage, as part of US policy in the region, and its primary ally in the Middle East.”

According to the Council on Foreign Relations, QME “has been a conceptual backbone of US military aid to Israel for decades, and it was formally enshrined in US law in 2008.” The US Congress amended the Arms Export Control Act (AECA) to mandate that the United States maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge (QME). This means that any US arms sales to other Middle Eastern countries, such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Jordan, must not undermine Israel's military superiority in the region.

A 2008 law passed by the US Congress requires the US President to present a certification detailing Israel’s ability to handle growing threats in the region. In other words, any US President, regardless of their personal views or policies, is legally obligated to fulfill this commitment because these security aids are considered “an essential part of the US strategy to deter security threats in the Middle East,” according to the law.

According to CFR, “Under the 2008 law, the United States must ensure that any weapons it provides to other countries in the Middle East do not compromise Israel’s QME. In several cases, this has required the United States to provide Israel with offsetting weaponry as part of larger regional arms sales. QME has also ensured that Israel is the first in the region to receive access to the most sophisticated US military weapons and platforms, such as the F-35 stealth fighter, of which Israel now has fifty.”

The law also requires the US President or their authorized representative to present a certification to Congress detailing Israel’s ability to handle growing threats and how the transfer of arms might affect the strategic and tactical balance in the region. In other words, any US President, regardless of their personal views or policies, is legally obligated to fulfill this commitment because these security aids are considered “an essential part of the US strategy to ensure regional stability and deter security threats in the Middle East,” according to the law’s rationale.

However, despite the seemingly ideal relationship between the two allies, disagreements do exist. Yet, these differences have never escalated into a full-blown diplomatic crisis or led to public exchanges of sharp statements. Below are some of the key issues that remain points of contention between the two allies.

Disagreements over the Palestinian issue

According to the Jerusalem Post, one of the most significant areas of disagreement is the settlements. After Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza Strip in 1967, the United States declared that it viewed the construction of settlements as an obstacle to peace. Despite this stance, the US has never explicitly labeled them as “illegal” to avoid triggering international sanctions against Israel.

Despite differences over settlements, the Iranian nuclear program, and relations with China, Israeli spy and espionage programs remain the biggest problem for the United States in its relationship with Israel.

During President George H.W. Bush’s administration, US financial aid to Israel was linked to a halt in settlement construction. However, the Clinton administration later provided exceptions to this policy in certain cases. Under President Obama, the US abstained from voting on a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the settlements, which was seen as an indirect rebuke of Israel.

The relocation of the US Embassy to Jerusalem in 2018 became another point of contention that has carried over into the Biden administration. President Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and the subsequent embassy move angered the international community and Palestinians. On the other hand, the Biden administration, or more specifically the Democrats, support reopening the US Consulate in East Jerusalem to strengthen ties with the Palestinians, which Israel strongly opposes and considers a significant point of disagreement.

Additionally, the US support for certain Palestinian civil society organizations in the West Bank, which Israel classifies as terrorist organizations, remains an unresolved point of contention.

Disagreements over Iran and China

The second major area of contention is, of course, US-Iran relations, particularly the 2015 Iran nuclear deal led by the Obama administration. Israel views this agreement as insufficient in curbing Iran's nuclear capabilities and a threat to its security.

Conversely, the United States supported the deal as a means to deter Iran from developing nuclear weapons through diplomacy rather than military action. This tension persisted even after the Trump administration withdrew from the agreement in 2018, a move that was welcomed by Israel.

In 2008, the US Congress amended the Arms Export Control Act (AECA) to mandate that the United States maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge (QME). This means that any US arms sales to other Middle Eastern countries, such as Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Jordan, must not undermine Israel's military superiority in the region.

On the other hand, the United States is not particularly enthusiastic about the rapidly growing Israeli-Chinese relations. The US has expressed concerns about their economic ties and pressured Israel to scale back its trade dealings with China, particularly in the fields of technology and infrastructure.

Espionage: A major point of contention

Israeli espionage programs may be the most significant point of contention, as they directly impact the core of the relationship between the two allies, without the involvement of third parties like the Iranians, Chinese, or Palestinians.

In November 2021, the Biden administration, in an unprecedented move, imposed sanctions on two Israeli spyware companies, NSO Group and Candiru. The companies were blacklisted by the US Department of Commerce, preventing them from purchasing the US technology needed to develop their software.

Ned Price, the spokesperson for the US State Department, stated at the time: “We look forward to further discussions with the Israeli government to ensure that these companies’ products are not used to target human rights defenders, journalists, and others who should not be targeted.”

NSO Group was accused of developing spyware, such as Pegasus, which was used to hack the mobile phones of activists, journalists, and dissidents in several countries. Press and investigative reports have confirmed that some governments used this technology to monitor political opponents and human rights activists.

Additionally, Apple filed a lawsuit against NSO Group, accusing it of violating privacy by using its spyware.

How many times has the US used its veto power in favor of Israel?

Since the founding of the United Nations, the United States has used its veto power 83 times, 46 of which were in direct favor of Israel. According to the UN Security Council website and the Jewish Virtual Library, these include:

1. September 10, 1972 – The session was held to address a complaint regarding Israeli aggression against Lebanon.

2. July 26, 1973 – The session was held to condemn Israel’s continued occupation of Palestinian territories.

3. December 8, 1975 – The session was held to condemn Israeli air strikes on Lebanon.

4. January 26, 1976 – The session was held to call for Israel’s withdrawal from all Palestinian territories.

5. March 25, 1976 – The session was held to call for the protection of holy sites.

6. June 29, 1976 – The session was held to affirm the right of return and Palestinian sovereignty in Palestine.

7. April 30, 1980 – The session was held to reaffirm the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people.

8. January 20, 1982 – The session was held to call on Israel to rescind its occupation of the Golan Heights and declare it “null and void.”

9. April 2, 1982 – The session was held to condemn Israel’s violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention.

10. April 20, 1982 – The session was held to condemn aggression on the Temple Mount.

11. June 8, 1982 – The session was held to call on Israel to withdraw its forces from Lebanon.

12. June 26, 1982 – The session was held to call for an immediate halt to Israeli hostilities on Lebanon.

13. August 6, 1982 – The session was held to condemn Israel for not implementing United Nations resolutions.

14. August 2, 1983 – The session was held to declare the construction of Israeli settlements as illegal.

15. September 6, 1984 – The session was held to call for the respect of Lebanon’s sovereignty and independence.

16. March 12, 1985 – The session was held to condemn Israeli actions and measures against civilians in southern Lebanon.

17. September 13, 1985 – The session was held to condemn Israel’s repressive measures against the Arab population.

18. January 17, 1986 – The session was held to condemn Israeli practices and violations against civilians in southern Lebanon.

19. January 30, 1986 – The session was held to call on Israel to respect Islamic holy sites.

20. February 6, 1986 – The session was held to condemn Israel for intercepting a Libyan plane.

21. February 1, 1988 – The session was held to call on Israel to abide by the Fourth Geneva Convention.

22. April 15, 1988 – The session was held to urge Israel to respect the Fourth Geneva Convention.

23. May 10, 1988 – The session was held to condemn Israel’s invasion of southern Lebanon.

24. December 14, 1988 – The session was held to condemn the Israeli attack on Lebanese territory.

25. February 17, 1989 – The session was held to condemn Israel’s policies and practices in the occupied territories.

26. November 7, 1989 – The session was held to denounce Israeli policies in the occupied territories.

Since the founding of the United Nations, the United States has used its veto power 83 times, 46 of which were in direct favor of Israel.

27. May 31, 1990 – The session was held to call for a committee to investigate the killing of seven Palestinian workers.

28. May 17, 1995 – The session was held to reaffirm that Israel’s confiscation of lands in East Jerusalem as invalid.

29. March 7, 1997 – The session was held to call on Israeli authorities to cease all settlement activities.

30. March 21, 1997 – The session was held to demand a halt to the construction of Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem.

31. March 27, 2001 – The session was held to call for the deployment of a UN monitoring force in the West Bank and Gaza.

32. December 14, 2001 – The session was held to call for an immediate halt to Israeli-Palestinian violence.

33. December 20, 2002 – The session was held to condemn Israel for the killing of World Food Program (WFP) personnel.

34. September 16, 2003 – The session was held to call on Israel to cease its threats to expel Yasser Arafat.

35. October 14, 2003 – The session was held to prevent Israel from expanding its ‘security wall.’

36. March 25, 2004 – The session was held to condemn Israel for killing Hamas leader Ahmed Yassin.

37. October 5, 2004 – The session was held to call on Israel to cease its operations in Gaza.

38. July 13, 2006 – The session was held to call on Israel to cease its operations in Gaza.

39. November 11, 2006 – The session was held to call on Israel to cease its operations in Gaza.

40. February 18, 2011 – The session was held to condemn Israeli settlements established since 1967 as illegal.

41. December 18, 2017 – The session was held to address the US recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

42. June 1, 2018 – The session was held to condemn Israeli violence against protesters during the “Great March of Return.”

43. October 18, 2023 – The session was held to call for a comprehensive and respectful humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza.

44. December 8, 2023 – The session was held to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza.

45. February 20, 2024 – The session was held to call for a ceasefire in Gaza.

46. April 18, 2024 – The session was held to call for the recognition of Palestine as a full member state of the United Nations.